In the early 1990s, the Massachusetts Institute
of Technology found itself facing no small crisis. During the
fifty years following the outbreak of World War II, the engineering
school had grown into one of the world's preeminent universities,
thanks to unstinting government funding of its departments and
laboratories, in the interest of keeping the US ahead of first
the Germans and the Japanese, then the Russians and Chinese.
But when the Cold War ended favorably in 1989,
there was little sentiment in Washington to continue unabated
the expensive arrangements that had led to victory. Part of the
"peace dividend" was to come from diminished support
for education for engineering and even basic science. And perhaps
more than any other of the elite old universities of the East,
MIT was hooked on government funding.
So the newly-installed president Charles Vest undertook
a series of dramatic steps, in consultation with the faculty.
He pressed for continuing government support for research, to
the point of hiring a Washington lobbyist. He searched for new
sources of revenue, among wealthy alumni and research-oriented
corporations.
And he purchased new financial accounting software
and committed MIT to an expensive "Reengineering Project,"
with the goal that $40 million of operating expenses should be
saved -- and as many as 400 staff positions, or around 4 percent
of the total, be eliminated.
About the same time, a history of technology professor
named Rosalind Williams surrendered to blandishments and agreed
to become dean of students and undergraduate education. Now, seven
years later, she has published a thoughtful account of her experiences
at the center of MIT's attempts to grapple with a rapidly-changing
world.
"Retooling:
A Historian Confronts Technological Change" proceeds
from the observation that at the very moment that MIT faced vastly
altered political circumstances, it also found itself coping with
the same powerful technological forces as the rest us -- Moore's
Law, the Internet, centralized financial controls and globalization.
"MIT is famous as a place from which technological
change comes," she writes. "It is less famous as a place
that confronts change." A fellow faculty member says: "We
need to catch up with the impact we've had on the world."
So in the '90s, MIT set out to change itself.
No one who knows universities will imagine that
it is yet possible to see the situation whole at MIT. Williams
has written a complicated and very useful book, partly about the
changing nature of engineering itself, partly about the university
administration's efforts to impose control on the many satrapies
within is walls, partly about the diminution of community within
the university, and partly about the differences (and in many
cases the similarities) among men and women. My purpose here is
to mention only a small portion of her account, and call attention
to the rest.
For the saga of MIT's attempt to "Reengineer"
itself not only makes lively reading. It also points a moral of
use to many other successful organizations confronted by the need
to adapt to changing technologies.
Begin by recalling that one of the developers (with
Michael Hammer) of the "re-engineering" fad that swept
through certain sectors of US industry in the '90s, is James Champy,
an MIT alum and a member of its governing corporation. Recall
too that President Vest came to MIT from the University of Michigan,
where ties to industry were somewhat closer than at MIT.
That helps explain why Vest chose "Reengineering"
dogma to inform his internal reorganization. Consultants were
hired, flip charts were ordered by the dozen, days at a time blocked
out for retreats and large numbers of staffers seconded to various
task forces. Teams were built, lists compiled, endless Powerpoint
presentations prepared. Before long, they threatened to replace
the short discursive memorandum and the brief oral presentation
through which the Institute had been governed for 125 years.
"It was a heady time," writes Williams.
The university's most basic support systems were "mapped"
and then "revisioned:" buildings and grounds, mail,
purchasing, appointments and staff hiring, information technology,
management reporting, student services. Consultants sought to
"break the culture" and obtain quick results -- "low-hanging
fruit," as they put it. Often they succeeded only in shifting
work from one point to another.
Faculty rebelled first, then, gradually, staffers
who, after all, had more to lose. One wag proposed renaming the
program "Re-sciencing," because it "gives engineering
a bad name." Another said, "It makes me feel as though
I have been abducted by aliens." A staffer quipped, "Five
years ago I never heard of facilitation and now it's all we do."
Relations were strained. Morale suffered. Five years after it
started, the Reengineering Project was firmly shut down.
The moral? "That a 'new world' may not be
a better one," Williams writes. The ideology of "change
management" disparages institutions as obstacles to the flow
of innovation, she writes. "Yet, of all the inventions that
MIT has produced over the years, none has been as influential
as MIT itself."
Consulting is a notoriously slapdash business.
It is in universities that the serious work on the economics of
organizations is done. MIT discovered that it is better to search
for wisdom internally than to go outside for a bunch of half-baked
ideas about "mastering change." Home-cooking beats store-bought
in the knowledge business.
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